Essays are © 2006, 2007 Paul Chislett

Unions and the Iron Law of Oligarchy: A Sociological Perspective
Paul Chislett
Sociology 1015-03
Murielle Chalk
February 2, 2006

Unions and the Iron Law of Oligarchy: A Sociological Perspective

I

It may seem hard to believe today that unions are born out of the legitimate efforts of working people to improve social conditions. We can barely understand today how difficult and dangerous the lives of many working people were, at the turn of the 20th century. Unions have become highly bureaucratized organizations seemingly out of touch with their members. And so, many people believe unions are nothing more than another special interest group looking out for the welfare of well off workers. Yet, the history of the Canadian labour movement is fascinating and I believe is overlooked in the elementary and secondary school curriculums. Heron (1996) writes that this history is one of ordinary working people - the early craftworkers, the industrial factory workers and miners- struggling over decades to form a movement that could promote and defend their interests.

During my time as a technician for thirty years at Bell Canada, I became involved in the Communication, Energy and Paperworkers Union of Canada (CEP). I met and worked with many women and men who were committed to the ideal of workers having a direct say in as far as wages, working conditions, benefits and pensions were concerned. I became president of CEP Local 37 and out of this experience ran as an NDP candidate in the 1999 provincial election and the 2000 federal election in the Sudbury riding. Although my experience is not necessarily typical, I can personally attest to the fact that the union movement can certainly “radicalize” members through education and example of others who have gone before.

II

In this paper I will examine the seeming contradiction between the democratic ideal of unions and the tendency towards the “Iron Law of Oligarchy” developed by the German sociologist Robert Michels. In Schaefer(2003) Michels stated that even a democratic organization will develop into a bureaucracy ruled by a few. I will attempt to show why this came about in the Canadian labour movement and if it is possible to avoid this contradiction.

A short overview of what the early movement looked like is necessary at this point. Heron, (1996) explains that in the first two decades of the 20th century, skilled workers worked alongside semi-skilled machine operators. This was the era that brought in Taylor’s scientific management ideas and new factory clerical jobs were held by women. The working classes were a mix of immigrants and unskilled labour. Such an arrangement helped keep workers divided. These were not easy years to join a union and the times were chaotic for working people. Union militancy began to take shape and a renewed social movement was advancing the cause of working people. After decades of intense strike actions and two world wars, federal legislation was enacted in 1948 that provided a, “permanent framework for industrial relations in Canada” (Heron, 1996, p.76). This meant workers had, “… the right to negotiate the terms of their employment….certified unions soon pressed for wage increases, benefit plans…an eight hour day and paid vacations”(Heron, 1996, p.77). Heron (1996) goes on to say that workplace disputes were dealt with through a formal grievance procedure and arbitration.

So, from militant job action, to labour legislation the government and business got what it wanted - labour peace and workers won the right to collective bargaining and a dispute resolution system. Unions today are formal organizations tasked with performing collective bargaining and grievance processing. The sociological view from Schaefer (2003), shows that in the early days of union militancy, workers were members of an out-group; the in-group being wealthy industrialists. A middle-class didn’t exist as yet and in essence the middle-class could be viewed as the necessary creation by workers and owners of capital and the means of production to create a new in-group for the sake of capitalism and working class peace. Certainly unions are a reference group. I did not relate to the managerial in-group in my workplace, nor have I ever aspired to be a wealthy shareholder. I recognized that there are in-groups and out-groups within the workforce. Under labour law, all workers in a unionized workplace are union members. Those who choose to become active volunteers, however, form their own in-group versus other workmates who are content to pay dues but not be any more active. Martin, (1995) describes the process of rationalization and choice of group identity that I experienced:
Any one individual can be seen as occupying a social area where a great number of groups overlap, and in the course of his life he encounters innumerable possibilities of identifying with certain groups and adhering to certain organizations. Although many identifications are compatible, or made compatible by a rationalization process which deals both with the past and the present, to identify with one or several groups always amounts to selecting certain reference groups and rejecting others. It means an acceptance to participate in certain symbolical systems of which the person becomes actively or passively a carrier.

These symbolical systems may be part of the world in which he was born, they may also appear later in life and seem foreign to his early experiences. Whatever the case, when an adult is considered, identifications are always the result of a choice. Granted, the affective weight of the first stages of life, the social pressure exercised from in-groups as well as out-groups do influence, sometimes heavily, the choices that are made. (P. 5)

I accepted without question the hierarchy of the union without ever doubting the union was a democratic institution. An explanation as to why this was so is found here, “To Michels, oligarchy…was significant because it was an ‘unintended consequence’ of organization” (Lipset, 1956, p. 5). I understand the pessimism of some, who see unions as a sort of spoiled special interest group from a sociological view now. They are seeing the latent function of the union oligarchy as one in which the leaders protect themselves from being dislodged and having to return to the workplace. I always viewed unions ( and still do) in the context of a union’s manifest functionality in that the whole structure existed to advance the rights of working people.

Are unions an example of Weber’s ideal type of bureaucracy? Unions are all about equality, another seeming contradiction in an organization”plagued” by the iron law of oligarchy. They are also about empowerment and education. Weber, “avidly supported the efforts of working people to strive for self-determination through the trade unions” ( Titunik; Camic, Gorski, Trubek, Ed., 2005, p. 157). Weber, according to Titunik (2005), also recognized that unions helped members become active citizens and that unions promoted the ideal of people being citizens rather than subjects or in today’s concern, just unquestioning consumers. Weber, “believed that knowledge forms the mainstay of bureaucratic power. …knowledge acquired in specialized training” ( Titunik; Camic, Gorski, Trubek, Ed., 2005, p. 157).
First, let me go back to Weber’s characteristics of a bureaucracy (Schaefer, 2003). The CEP union does have a division of labour, from a national president through to treasurer to regional vice-presidents and on to national representatives who are the liaison between the national union and the volunteer local leaders. In the CEP the national reps are paid staff hired by the union. The officers are paid, elected officials. No union can function without the dedication and expertise of the volunteer local officers. There are also regional rank and file members who regularly attend executive board meetings, ( Chart # 2) as observers who then report back to local officers. These rank and file members serve as a check on the oligarchy and keep it accountable to the members. The union provides education and expenses for those volunteers funded from dues collected. The positive consequences are the fact that many workers acquire knowledge and skills many would never have dreamed of acquiring when they were hired by their employer. Negative consequences I know of is the very real danger of overload and burnout activists experience and the tendency to entitlement other local leaders acquire through the knowledge gained. Certainly, chart # 1, ( www.cep.ca) is a rather intimidating and corporate looking flow chart of the upper echelons of the CEP. There can be no doubt that this chart is a picture of an oligarchy and the attendant hierarchy of authority. Chart #2, (www.cep.ca) reveals the structure closer to the ground so to speak. The union hierarchy also has clearly written rules and regulations in the form of a constitution which can be amended at every national convention. It is a living document in that every local can submit resolutions to amend clauses; committees review the resolutions and submit recommendations to accept or reject a resolution which are voted on at the convention by delegates. Each local also has bylaws to function by. Gregor Murray (1992) that among all the social movements, the labour movement provides a challenging culture that makes people the, “subjects of their own histories ” ( Murray; Leys & Mendell Ed., 1992, p. 56). Murray (1992) goes further to write that the identity I found in being a wage earner, for example, helped encourage the, “worst bureaucratic reflexes of labour leaders who seek to control or stifle other social identities rather than learning to work with them and build upon them”( Murray; Leys & Mendell Ed., 1992, p. 56). I would say this is true of what is known as business unions which seek to maintain the oligarchy so that the only function is the maintenance of collective agreements. Progressive unions among which I count the CEP do seek to build coalitions with other social identities such as visible minorities, the environmental movement and poverty activists, and include them from within the union ranks by creating positions within the hierarchy. The oligarchy is expanded to the point that there is a broad representative membership at the top that looks as much like the general union membership in the workplace as possible. This idea of progressive unionism is why I feel comfortable with the union as my primary group and reference group. My identity as a member of the wage economy earned me a place in the reference group where I expanded my sense of identity to one of a member of a larger group with common values and goals - the betterment of the workplace and society in general - rather than accepting a passive role as wage earner/consumer.

III

Max Weber (Michels, 1962), was among many who, “stressed that the distinctive and most valuable element of democracy is the formation of a political elite in the competitive struggle for the votes of a mainly passive electorate” (Lipset, Introduction to Michels, 1962, p. 33). There are few electorates more passive than a union one and there is less competition as it is usually viewed as bad form to run against a sitting labour leader. In his introduction to the 1962 edition of Michels’ book “Political Parties” Seymour Lipset writes that unions are one party systems, “since they do not possess the basis for sustained internal conflict”( Lipset, Introduction to Michels 1962, p. 36). Lipset ( Michels, 1962), says that Michels found that it is charismatic leaders who often provide the necessary qualities to lead members through changes. Bob White of the Canadian Automobile

Workers is an immediate example when he led the union to break away from the American United Automobile Workers to form the autonomous CAW. Such leaders will pull along the existing oligarchy as well as the members by using the union bureaucracy to their best advantage. In the end, such leaders will face the members at convention to answer for mistakes or bask in the glory of success.

There was an interesting exception to one party rule in unions examined by Seymour Lipset. The International Typographical Union (ITU) did have a two party system and members often chose between the two in deciding union leadership at conventions. In explaining why this was so the authors write, “…democracy is strengthened when members are not only related to the larger organization but are also affiliated with or loyal to subgroups within the organization. …it is this approach which we have found most useful in understanding the internal political system of the ITU…”(Lipset, 1956, p.15).
Today, unions are too busy protecting workers rights in an age of massive economic restructuring to take the time to improve democratic traditions within their organizations. Better labour legislation to make signing new members easier would be a good start. Labour unions always have the handicap of reacting to actions of employers and global capital. The union structure may appear heavy and unresponsive yet they represent the best hope for workers in general and society as a whole. This is possible because of the commitment of union activists to forge coalitions among other social movements advocating for a better world. I will conclude with words from Gregor Murray (Leys&Mendell, 1992):
…the very location of the union organization in the employment relationship is an obvious source of strength inasmuch as wages and work are still powerful generators of social identity in a structural and organizational way with collective institutions and traditions that can protect and foster those identities. (P.56)

References

Camic, C., Gorski, P., Trubek, D., Ed. Ch. 6., Titunik, R., P. 157. (2005). Max Weber’s ‘Economy and Society’: A Critical Companion. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Heron, C. (1996). The Canadian Labour Movement: A Short History. Toronto: James Lorimer & Company. X, 29, 30-31, 77.

Leys, C., Mendell, M. Ed., Murray, G. Ch. 3. 56.( 1992). Culture and Social Change. Montreal: Black Rose Books.

Lipsett, S., Trow, M., Coleman, J.(1956) Union Democracy: The Inside Politics of the International Typographical Union. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press

Michels, R. (1962). Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy. New York: The Free Press. Pg. 32. Lipsett, S.

Schaefer, R., Floyd, R., Haaland, B. (2003) Sociology : A Brief Introduction Toronto: McGraw- Hill/Ryerson Limited. 126, 127, 130-131, 135.

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Prof. Karen Thistle

Gender Representation in the Media
Paul Chislett
November 14, 2006

Working and Reading Under the Glass Ceiling: An Examination of Five Daily Canadian Newspapers

Women working in the Canadian newspaper business have attained positions ranging fro reporters to publishers. Even with this progress, it is clear from this independent and privately financed analysis, progress is uneven and advancement seems to depends on arbitrary factors. The researcher kept an open mind, and hoped to see more progress for women in the newspaper business, however it is clear that the newspaper business is dominated by males and the news coverage is tilted in favour of male interests.

The five papers were analyzed for content in three sections: the front page, the editorial page, including letters to the editor, and the local or city pages. The five Canadian daily newspapers selected were: The Sault Star (Osprey), The Record (Kitchener, Cambridge and Waterloo. Torstar)), The Montreal Gazette, The Ottawa Citizen and The Edmonton Journal.(The latter three are owned by Canwest) All the papers are Saturday editions for October 28, 2006. The papers were at selected random, based on which newspapers were attainable for the same date. As a result, the information represents a snapshot of medium sized urban areas in Quebec, Ontario and Alberta.

The glass ceiling is a familiar term which, “… sums up all the frustrations of working women at every level who can see where they want to get to but who find themselves blocked by an invisible barrier.”(Flanders 1) While this paper isn’t about the glass ceiling phenomenon itself, the researcher was struck by the fact that out of five papers, only The Record and the Edmonton Journal had women publishers; and even then the publisher at The Record was ‘acting’ in that position. Of fourteen editorial positions, five were held by women and they were junior editorial assistant positions. As long as advancement is blocked, what readers see in the papers will be determined by a male oriented perspective. Because, “… mass communication is a profit-driven, advertising-supported business …” (Creedon 15), these business are not likely to change the way they employ women as the advertising revenue is dependent on a male dominated perspective. That is to say, if the news content changed to a more women orientated format, the paper may lose readers and therefore advertising. The two female publishers mentioned earlier, are surrounded by male owners and editors who control the hiring and firing decisions(Creedon 13), and they likely find that, “… workplace routines and norms force reporters to conform to dominant values, rather than acting on empowering values.”(Creedon 13) “Empowering values” may include challenging the entire capitalist system, and that task cannot be left to one group of citizens alone!
The Ottawa Citizen provided the most startling contrast between two stories for the researcher. Mid-front page is a 6 ½” by 6 3/4″ colour photo of a beautiful young woman holding her newborn baby. The woman, Gina Smith, is looking straight into the camera with a slight smile on her face. The text on the right left side introduces the story, which was generated by the discovery of human remains in the Rideau Canal. The male reporter writes that Gina has been missing for 20 months and, “ … those closest to her now have a growing fear that the woman who once hung out with outlaw bikers, starred in porno movies and sold her body to feed her cocaine addiction met a violent end…” (Seymour A1). Gina disappeared around the same time as two other women in Ottawa but, “… Gina’s case has caused barely a ripple … [t]his is the story of a woman who lived on the margins of society, a woman many people considered disposable.”(Seymour A1)
Page E7 has five photos; four arranged on the page, all roughly 3″ by 5″ with a 7 1/2″by 6 3/4″ of Gina as a young girl centered in the page. All are black and white and depict various family scenes: Gina with her mother, her grandmothers and with her brother. Pages E8 and E9 open out completely and most prominent is a 8 1/4″ by 13 ½” colour photo of police officers scouring the drained section of the canal where the remains were discovered. This section has two half pages of text. Page E10 features a black and white, 7 1/4″ by 6 3/4″ mug shot of Gina, taken the same year she disappeared. There are 28 column inches of text and then three more photos of varying sizes, ranging from 2 ½” by 3″ to 5″ of a female friend, Gina’s brother and of a man questioned in her disappearance. The total column inches of text on all pages are 116 ½”, with five female ‘experts’ providing quotes and four male quotes. This is significant coverage of a woman clearly wrestling with addiction.

In contrast, and in spite of the fact the total column inches for this male-centered story is 80 1/4″, the coverage of Ottawa mayoral candidate, Larry O’Brien is a portrait of a ‘man’s man’. He is a successful businessman with no political experience, an energetic life and a photogenic personality. The story opens on page E1 with a 7″ by 91/2″, colour photograph of Mr. O’Brien in a boxing ring, leaning against the corner with a huge grin on his face and a headline proclaiming, “ The Contender”. On pages E4 and E5 there are a total of ten black and White photos. The largest is a 6 3/4″ by 11 ½” of Mr. O’Brien with two other men receiving a business award. Eight other pictures show Mr. O’Brien alone, with other men, as a boy and with his two sons. The only woman in a picture is one of his great-grandmother with her husband, Mr. O’Brien’s father and uncle. There are two female quotes: one form his ex-wife and one from a sister.

The contrast between a successful male and a drug addicted female living a high risk lifestyle which may have resulted in her death is stark. This paper has four male editors and one female assistant editor and perhaps these two stories should have been covered in separate editions. The coverage of Gina Smith was fair and sympathetic, and it was too much of a contrast between genders for the same edition of paper. The idea to run the two stories in separate editions may have been a tough sell for a lone female editor.
The total male centered text was 171 3/4″ compared to 139 1/4″ over all the sections studied, so even the extensive coverage of Gina Smith didn’t overcome the male centered tilt of these pages. The total expert opinions quoted were 26 male to 10 female over all the sections studied. The editorial page featured a male and female, each from another Canwest paper. The letters page features a black and white, 7 1/4″ by 6″, photo of a woman who wrote to comment on a feature done on Alzheimer’s.
The newspaper the researcher judged to be the most balanced in terms of gender employment is The Record, serving Kitchener, Cambridge and Waterloo. The Record has a female publisher ( acting in the position) and one male and one female editor. The instances of male/female expert opinion are virtually even with 21 male quotes and 22 female quotes. Total column inches were more unbalanced however, at 135 1/4″ male oriented to 86 ½” for female oriented.

The front page is dominated by a colour photo, 6″ by 9 ½”, of a woman doing maintenance of a clock in a tower, and the photo is referencing the upcoming time change. The front-page headline is in bold letters announcing a cash infusion for hospital emergency rooms and the byline is female. In fact, the front-page has four bylines, two for each gender. The editorial page has two opinion pieces, both unattributed. The female acting publisher normally has a column in this space. A male political science expert is featured in a column amounting to 15 3/4″ of column space. The six letters to the editor are evenly split; three for each gender and roughly proportional in length.
Most significantly, an article which starts at the bottom of A1 covers female candidates in the municipal election. A 2″ by 3 3/4″ colour photo shows the female candidate at the door of a female voter. The caption informs the reader that the candidate is running in a field of older male candidates. The reporter is female and the coverage continues on A9.Six female quotes include comments by Kitchener MP Karen Redman. Her comments are used to illustrate how difficult politics can be for women. “It’s hard because sometimes I am not where my heart is…”, Redman explains, referring to time away from family.(Elliott A9)

Another expert quote is from Sandra Burt, a political science professor at the University of Waterloo. “She says there are currently more women enrolled in political science than men. When Burt graduated from the program in 1969, she was the only woman in her class.”(Elliott A9) In a quote that could apply to the newspaper business, Burt says, “We need women in politics to spark their interest. They need someone to look up to and say, ‘I can do that too.’”(Elliott A9)

The Edmonton Journal provides a front page with two colour photos. One, at the top of the page and measuring 8 ½” by 6″, is of two men standing with a stack of money. The male on the left, a well known Edmonton businessman, Michael Ritter, has been convicted of fraud; a charge, “… he had ferociously denied for years.”(Rusnell A1) Eventually he admitted he stole millions of dollars and may serve as long as ten years in prison.
The other photo is also colour, but measures, 4 ½” by 4″ and depicts a women being struck by a male police officer, while already handcuffed. The woman, “ Kristin Wilson … is suing city police for more than $6 million”, for injuries she suffered.(Sadava A1) Both articles are written by males, both have prominent headlines and both continue further in the A section of the paper. Ritter is portrayed as a “pillar of society”(sidebar A1) and that he “fell into disgrace”(sidebar A1). The whole affair was of his making, and Ritter appears to have been an expert con artist. A female victim is quoted as saying, “‘… I actually think the man has absolutely no conscience for any one of his actions…’” (Rusnell A16). The legal system is administering justice to Ritter. Wilson, on the other hand, appears to be a victim of